
^^,'^^rvt,^)Ccyr~^^ 



SPEECH 



OF 



MR. E. B, 'HOLMES. OF NEW YORK. 



ON THE SUBJECT OF 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 



DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S., JUNE Jk. 1646. 



WASHINGTON. 

PRIXTEn BY J. & G. S. GIDEON. 
1846. 



E. 




SPEECH 



MR. ELIAS B. HOLMES, OF NEW YORK. 



ON THE SUBJECT OF 



THE MEXICAN WAE 



Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, June 18; 1846. 



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WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED BY J. & G. S. GIDEON. 
1840. 



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SPEECH. 



The bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, proposing to reduce the duties on imports, 
"being under consideration in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union — 

Mr. HOLMES said: 

Mr. Chairman : I had expected (said Mr. H.) the discussion on this bill would 
be confined to the merits of the question, but the gentleman from (he Committee 
of Ways and Means, who preceded me, and who coinmeHced the discussion upon 
the bill, (Mr. Jones, of Georgia,) saw fit to devote a large portion of his speech 
to the defence of the acts of the Executive in relation to the Mexican war. 
Hence, I shall feel at liberty to advert to that subject at length, and shall then, if 
I have time in the brief space allowed me, speak of the folly of disturbing the 
present tariff. The constitutional authorities have declared that ''war exists," 
and we are at this moment involved in a national war. Every feeling which pa- 
triotism can inspire will induce me to aid fully in the prosecution of the same to a 
just and successful issue. This feeling should actuate all hearts — at all events, it 
does mine. But, sir, the immediate danger which threatened our army has been 
dispelled; the public enemy has been scattered; our troops are at this moment in 
sufficient force not only to repel danger, but to carry victory before them at any 
point that may be desired; and our flag now floats in triumph over one, and per- 
haps more, of the cities of a sister republic. Therefore, it seems to me there is 
■no impropriety in inquiring when and how this war is to end, and for what pur- 
pose it is hereafter to be waged. The people have the right to know now, whether 
the design is to prosecute this war further for conquest and plunder, or only for a 
just and magnanimous settlement of national differences ! They have the right 
to look, and will look, at the causes of this war — the acts of Executive functiona- 
ries in creating it — the action of this House in declaring the same — its subsequent 
acts, and all the abuses in regard to our internal policy. 

To me it seems not only proper, but my imperative duty, to advert to them. 
Now, sir, I have tried in vain to speak upon these subjects, and have been uniformly 
prevented by the tyrannic action of this House. When your war message was 
presented, on the 11th of May, I was not permitted to declare my willingness to 
render our soldiers and our flag aid and protection at once. I wanted to speak 
not only of the acts of the Executive, but of prompt and speedy action in regard 
to relieving our army and protecting our territory . We were told that all our young 
officers, each fit to be a colonel, were in jeopardy — perhaps, at that moment, pri- 
soners of war; that our peace establishment, with officers enough to officer twice 
its present number of rank and file, had been placed in defiance in front of a 
Mexican city; that our army had been ordered from Corpus Christi, at the mouth 
of the river Nueces, 160 miles across the deserts and forests to the river Rio Grande, 
where Texas had no population, no possession, and no tide except a mere naked 
assertion; that the President had ordered a blockade of the mouth of the Rio 
Grande, in a time of profound peace, and all supplies to be cut off from the Mexi- 
can people and Mexican army at Matamoras; that he had pointed our guns in a 
menacing manner upon that city. We were asked not only for supplies of men 
and money, but to vote a declaration of war; and yet I was not. nor was any 
member on this floor, permitted to inquire why it was that the President had sedu- 
lously avoided Congress, and assumed these high responsibilities — nor to make any 
suggestions whatever in relation to this matter. 



The President, through the War Deparlmentj on the 8th day of last July, says: 

" This Department is informed that Mexico has some military r.:tablishments on the east side of the 
" Rio Gnuide, which arc, and for some time have h^j^ in the nc anal occupancy of her troops;" and 
that " the Mexican forces al the posts in their pos^cs^lTO, and whif ' have been so, will not be disturbed, 
" so long as the relations of peace between the United States uiid Mexico continue." 

On the 30ih of the same momh, (July, 1845,) through the same channel, he 
says to General Taylor: 

" While avoidins:, as you have been instructed to do, all aggressive measures towards Mexico as long 
" as the relations of peace exist between that republic and th United States, you are expected to occupy, 
'* protect, and defend the territory of Texas to the exten ih.^t it has been occupied by the people of Texas. 

" The Rio Grande is claimed io 1)C the boundary between the two countries, and up to this boundiiry 
" you are to exieiid your protection, only exccptin;^ any posts on the eastern side tlureof which are in 
" the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexicnn "iettlements over tcliicli the republic of Texas did not 
" exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or shortly before thai event. It is cx|)ected that, in selecl- 
" ing the establishment for your troops, you will approach as near the boundary line — the Rio Grande — 
" as ]jrudencc will dictate. With this view, the President desires that your position, for a part of your 
" forces at least, should be west of the river Nueces." 

'^Prudence," at this time, did not dictate to go farther toward the Rio Grande 
than just west of the Nueces, to wit, at Corpus Christi. This was the farthest 
point to which Texas population had extended. Accoiding to the hest authorities 
in your library , Texas is bounded on the west by the river Nueces from its mouth 
to its source; thence by a line northwaidly to the Red river; thence eastwardly 
along that river to a point north of the head waters of the Sabine; thence 
southwardly down that river to the Gulf of Mexico — on the south by the gulf — and 
contains about 1(50,000 square miles. It is almost four times as large as the Slate 
of New Yoilc. That portion of the four Mexican provinces of Tamaulipas, Coa- 
huila, Chihuahua, and New Mexico, lying between the Nueces and the entire 
length of the river Rio Grande,, and so to the 42^ of latitude, including Point Isa- 
bel, Laredo, Santa Fe, Taos, and divers other Mexican towns and cities, coveted 
and claimed by Texas, contains about 140,000 stjuare miles. 

This tract has a small Texas settlement at and near Corpus (christi, on (he west 
bank of the Nueces, in the northeast corner of Tamaulipas. Between tliis settle- 
ment and the valley of the Rio Grande there arc extensive highland deserts, and 
no settlements. In the valley of the Rio Grande, and upon the east side of the 
river, are extensive Mexican settlements, including many towns and cities — among 
them Point Isabel, on the coast, near the mouth of the river, and Santa Fe, the 
capital of New Mexico, near its source; at both of which places are Mexican cus- 
tom houses, at which our people have paid duties to Mexico up to the period of 
this war. Our own Congress, in March, 1845, after passing the annexation reso- 
lutions, passed an act allowing a drawback upon all goods landed upon our coast 
and transported through the country to Santa Fe, thereby admitting (hat Mexico 
had of right established a custom house at that place, and laid a duty on foreign 
imports; and agreeing, that, when any goods wliich had been landed at New Or- 
leans, or elsewhere, and paid duties to our Government, should be transported 
through the coimtry to Santa Fe, wheie we at this moment have a resident consul, 
and there pay duties to Mexico, they would pay back the duties thus received by 
our custom house olhcers upon those goods. No portion of that country had in. 
any manner been occupied by Texas except at Corpus Christi, in the valley 
\vhere the army then was, on the west bank of (he Nueces. 

This little colony at Corpus Christi, it is said, had, for some years, voted for 
Texas represenititives, and actually voted for delegates to the Texas convention of 
annexation. They seemed to be independent of the balance of the province of 
Tamaulipas; and it became a question whctlier they should not be protected and 
iinnexed; in accordance with their wishes. It was also a question where the 



boundary line should be, and how much of the unsettled country between this 
settlement and the Mexican settlements on the Rio Grande should belong to each; 
and also, whether the entire claim of Texas to the whole of these Mexican settle- 
ments should be enforced. The President decides "^'to protect and defend the 
territory of Texas to the extent that it had been occupied by the people of Texas/' 
and sends the army to this settlement, or rather, ''desires" ihat a part at least of 
General Taylor's forces should be west of the Nueces — very properly leaving the 
questions as to disturbing these "Mexican settlements," and as to the boundary 
between Mexico and the United States, as one wouM naturally suppose, to be set- 
tled by the two Governments, or to the direction of Congress. 

Now, then, who would suppose that, in less than six njonths,this policy, and all 
these orders, would be reversed — and that, too, by the sole fiat of the Executive 
•of the American nation ? Yet so it is. 

On the 13lh day of January, 1846, during this present session of Congress, 
liaving himself refused to take less responsibilities in regard to Oregon, the Presi- 
dent, without the knowledge or consent of Congress, in direct violation of his di- 
rections to General Taylor on the 30th of the preceding July, orders the army to 
march through the desert and take possession of Point Isabel, Laredo, and points 
opposite Matumoras and Mier, the very places, and held and inhabited by the 
same people, that were not to be disturbed or molested, by the orders of July 8th 
and 3Uth. 

What sudden emergency, so urgent that Congress could not beconsuUed; what 
overwhelming necessity had induced the President to take such high-handed res- 
ponsibilities? 

The answer which ihe President gives in his message to this House is as follows: 

" This force (the army of occupation) was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until I 
'" received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican Gov- 
•" ernment would refuse to receive our envoy. 

" Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our Government, had become an integral part of our Union. 
" The Corgress of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the 
" boundary of that republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beijond the J^ueces. The 
•" country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the Congress and in the Con- 
" vention of Texas, had tlius taken part in the act of annexation itsfelf, and is now included in one of our 
" Congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, witb great unanimity, by the act approved 
" De amber 31, 1845, recognise^! the country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory, by including 
" it within our own revenue svbLem; and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has been ap- 
" pointed, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity 
" to provide for the defence of that portion of our country. 

"Accordingly, on the 13tb of Janna^-y last, instructions were issued to the general in command of 
" these troops to occupy the left bank of the Rio Grande del Norte." 

Now, sir, just look upon the map* — a rough draft of which I hold in my hand — 
and see Corpus Christi on the west bank of the Nueces, near the mouth; bear in 
mind that this is the only Texas settlement west of that river; that between that 
river and the Rio Grande are uninhabited highland deserts; that in the valley of 
the Rio Grande, and on the east bank thereof, are extensive Mexican settlements, 
which ever have been, and at this moment are, represented in the Mexican Con- 
gress; in fact, that the capital itself of one of the Mexican provinces, Santa Fe, 
with a Mexican custom house, sanctioned by our own Congress, is located there — 
and then blush for the American Executive. Reduce the President's apology to 
plain English, and what is it? Because the Congress of Texas, in 1836, with- 
out possession, and without the consent of Mexico, or any of the people of that 
district of country, claimed to the Rio Grande, instead of the Nueces, the original 
boundary of Texas — because Texas iiad made a settlement on the west bank of 
the Nueces, at Corpus Christi, and he had duly protected the same by sending 



*For map here referred to see third page of cover . 



tlie army to (hat point — because that settlement, comprising twenty five or fifty 
voters, had voted for delegates to the convention of annexation — because East 
Texas forms one Congressional district, and West Texas another — because, in 
December, he iiad advised Cotigress lojp^end our revenue laws over Texas, and 
without debate, and under the rraq- the}niad done so; and because, by the consent 
of the Senate on the 15ih of January last, he had appointed a revenue ollicer to re- 
side at Corpus Cluisti, it became, on the ]3lh of the same month, two days prior 
to that time, of "urgent'' necessity — so urgent that he could not submit tlje matter 
to Congress — to provide for the defence of that portion of the country on the Rio 
Grande, extenthng more than two thousand miles from the sea, and containing 
more than 60,(100 Mexicans, and Uiercfore he sent the army to iliai point. Why, 
sir, the very thought seems to suHuse the face of the President himself with crim- 
son. He is evidently uneasy under it, and sets his inventive faculties to work for 
other reasons to justify this high-handed measure, and goes on to say that other 
considerations induced this movement, and, among them, -'the facilities afforded 
by the ports of Brasos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception 
of supplies by sea," and 'Mhe convenience for obtaining a ready and more abun- 
dant supply of provisions." Yes, sir, (said Mr. H.,) leaves the sea-coast, and 
sends tlic army nearly 200 miles across the desert to another river, among a peo- 
ple of another language, who burn their houses and flee their homes at our approach , 
and seis the main body of the forces thirty miles up the river — for what? For the 
defence of the citizens of Texas? No, sir; for •^provisions''^ and "supplies.^* 

At one moment the President would have you believe that the whole country 
west of the Nueces was represented in the Texas convention, and had consented 
to annexation; and in the next breath he tells you that '-the movement of the 
troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanthng general, under positive or- 
ders to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico or Mexican citizens;" and 
that he (General Taylor) ''was specially directed to protect private property and 
respect personal rights." Why was this, if the citizens in the valley of the Rio 
Grande were Texans, and had consented to annexation? Were such orders issued 
when the army entered Texas? None, sir; none whatever. None were neces- 
sary. Her people had consented to annexation, spoke the English language, and 
desired protection. On the Rio Grande they had not consented, did not speak 
the English language, nor did they desire om- presence or protection. 

It would not do for him to say "the unsold or ungranted land of Texas which she 
reserved to herself by the terms of annexation to pay off her land scrip holders and 
her public debt, was not sufficient for that purpose. To meet these demands, a 
part of four of the Mexican provinces must be held by Texas, and Mexico des- 
poiled of the same. It was desirable on account of my friends to do this, althoughL 
Congress had once declined it. Mexico broke off the diplomatic relations between 
her and the United Slates, when we passed the Texas resolutions. When Texas 
had consented, and our people had returned a majority in Congress in favor of the 
same, 1 asked Mexico to receive an Envoy to seLlie all matters between us. She 
gave for reply that she would receive '■ the commissioner of the United Stales 
who may come to this capital (Mexico) clothed with full power to settle \\\g piesent 
f/is/Ji^^e in a peaceful, reasonable, and honorable manner.' I thereupon sent to 
them a resident minister, bearing a commission almost in the same words which 
Wilson Shannon took to that Govenmient when they also had a minister at ours. 
Mexico said it would not comport with her dignity as a nation to receive Mr. Slidell 
as a general minister, having withdtawn her own minister from our court; but that 
tliey would receive him so soon as he should receive a special commission to treat, 
of Texas. That being settled, they would renew general diplomatic relations 
and adjust all other matteis. I declined sending a "special commission. I did 



not submit this matter to Congress, lest they might differ with me. I feared my 
designs and those of my friends would be thwarted, and that we should not be 
able to grasp (he additional territory which we desired. Again, it occurred to me 
that it might be exceedingly important for certain interests at an early day to make 
a separate State where these 60,000 Mexicans reside, to paralyze Pennsylvania, 
as Texas proper may now New York. And then again it occurred to me that by 
provoking a fight and getting the country into a war, no matter by what means, 
the jealous dissatisfied factions of my own party, by reason of my anti-tariff 
notions and my vacillations about Oregon, would unite, and I should, and those 
who acted with me, would be able to escape the odium that might otherwise rest 
upon us; and we should also be able to accomplish all we desired pecuniarily and 
politically. Hence I sent the army to Matamoras, and commenced starving that 
city, provoked Mexico and brought on a fight." No, sir; true or false, it would 
not do for the President to say this. 

Sir, I do not propose to discuss the annexation of Texas. That was discussed 
at the last election — its effect in extending the area of Freedom, its political effects, 
its consequences — and resulted in favor of the annexation candidates, and the an- 
nexation has now become a kind oi fixed fact which I do not propose to discuss. 
I must confess it did not, nor does it now, look to me like political equality, to see 
Texas with her 9,000 votes have two Representatives in this House, while the 
county of Monroe, in the State of New York, with her 13,000 votes, has only 
one. Still less does it look like equality, to see 9,000 votes exercising equal power 
in the United States' Senate with the 500,000 votes of the Empire State. When I 
am told this is equality, pure unadulterated democracy , I bow to it only in defer- 
ence to the will of the majority. But I do object to that selfishness and cupidity 
that would by force grasp from a sister republic her possessions, comprising terri- 
tory nearly as large, in fact I think much larger, than the whole of New England, 
out of which to carve new States; and thus to give us other specimens of this 
"^ political equality." Sir, I complain of the great apathy of the people upon 
this subject. Why groan under Texas, and shut your eyes to this enormity j 
this flagrant outrage upon treaty stipulations and the rights of nations ? 

I complain of the public press. Why has not the press of this city sounded the 
alarm ? It has been placed here as a beacon lighi for the whole country. Where 
are its rays? What light has it shed upon this subject? Who has seen Execu- 
tive usurpation pointed out and condemned? Who has seen the true boundaries 
of Texas maiked out and defined? Where is the first complaint against raising 
our camp at Corpus Christi, and setting ourselves down on the Rio Grande, our 
guns bearing upon the city of Matamoras? When that city was blockaded, its 
supplies cuti)ff, its commerce ruined, who spoke of the high-handed measures of 
the Executive? Who spoke of a violated Constitution? Did the press of this 
city? Did the press of the country? Not a word — not a whisper — still and tame 
as death itself — ail still, save one, and that too from a quarter least to be expected. 
Yes, sir, an Administration print of South Carolina — to my knowledge up to the 
7th of May of all the press — of all the guardians of liberty upon (he ramparts of 
freedom — none had spoken out upon this subject save this, the Charleston Mer- 
cury. Hear it : 

The Mexican Affair. — If war comes, it will be from those petty encounters of scouts and strag- 
glers, of which some instances have already occurred, and which can hardly fail to multiply till they 
shall be " deemed and taken" for acts of hostility; and so some fine morning Gen. Taylor shall receive 
orders to invade Mexico. It will be hard to escape such a result, and if it was not contemplated and de- 
sired, why was the U. S. army thrust upun the very lines of the Mexican? Another consequence has 
followed, equally dangerous to peace, if the reports are true. Matamoras has been declared in a state of 
blockade, which is not much short of a declaration of war, — at any rate is a great provocation to it. It 
may have been necessary to secure Gen. Taylor's position, and to weaken that of the Mexican, — ^bui 



8 

this looks very much hke the operalions of war, and if it has come to that, why make war in so ineffi- 
cient a way ? Why does tlie President make war on his own re.sponsibiUty, when Congress is in ses- 
sion ? The Union has, however, promised that if all editors of newspapers will keep quiet, in due time 
Mr. Polk will explain what he is about, and why he is about it. This is some consolation. 

This editor inquires why it is that tJ|p^President thus makes war upon his own 
responsibility, when Congress is in session? He points to the exercise of uncon- 
stitutional power; to the motives that actuate the "powers that be," and to Exe- 
cutive imbecility. If others had done the like — if all, without respect to party, 
had spoken out upon this subject, as right, justice, and patriotism required — we 
should at this moment have seen a diflferent slate of things, I complain of myself, 
sir; I complain of the honorable members of this House, and of the Senate, for 
not having sounded the alarm — for sitting tamely by, and allowing the President 
to set at naught the Constitution — to invade and overrun the population of a neigh- 
boring nation, without uttering one syllable, until blood, the blood of our brave 
officers and men, cries from the ground in judgment; not till we see our citizens 
weltering in their gore, do we inquire into this aggression. True, for want of po- 
sitive information on this subject, my honorable friend from Kentucky, Mr. G. 
Davis, proposed a resolution of inquiry, which was universally supported on this 
side of the hall, but the same was frowned down by the majority, and proved un- 
availing. 

Strange a? it may seem, sir, the very fact that the Whigs were slow to believe, 
and did not charge this breach of the Constitution upon the Executive on the first 
rumor, before it was proved, is staled as a reason why the Executive should be 
sustained — heralded forth upon this lioor as a charge against the Whigs, and a tri- 
umphant vindication of the Administration. But, to my mind, sir, this logic is 
very much like that of the inebriate in Vermont, who for a long time had been in- 
debted to a neighboring merchant, and had imiformly evaded his importunities for 
payment; yet, by reason of some family differences, the inebriate received a severe 
castigalion at the hands of the merchant, and thereupon he cries out, writhing in 
agony, "I should have paid that debt 1 owe ye more than three years ago if you 
hadn't whipped me; now, I'll iicve?' pay you." So with membeisof this Admin- 
istration. If the Whigs had told of violations of the Constitution before they had 
proof of the fact, they would have desisted; but, now that we have proof, it 
is so sacrilegious to tell of it, when our army is marching in triumph over the 
plains of a neighboring nation; they never will desist. 

I have said I was willing to grant supplies of men and money — to grant full, 
perfect, and immediate relief. But, if other subjects were to be biought up, and 
we were called upon to sanction and declare a national war, further inquiry seem- 
ed to me exceedingly appropriate. 

Texas, in 1844, made a treaty of annexation with the U. S., fncluding this 
very territory between the Nueces and the Rio Giande, and the same was submit- 
ted to the Senate of the U. S. for ratification, in May, 1844. There it was that 
the title to that portion of the country was fully examined and discussed, and, 
upon full deliberation, the Senate decided against the treaty, on the ground that 
Texas had no title to the country beyond the Nueces; at all events, not west of 
the great desert lying between that river and the Rio Grande, by occupation or 
otherwise. Thereupon joint resohuions of annexation were introduced, carefully 
worded so as not to include (his territory, with a view to avoid collision with Mex- 
ico, and in which the following language is used: "Congress doth consent that 
the territory properly included in and rightfully belonging to the Republic of Tex- 
as, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas." It speaks 
also of the assent of the Government and people of Texas, and says expressly: 
*^Said State to be formed, subject to (he adjustment by this Government of all ques- 



tions of boundary that may arise with other Governments." The joint resolutions 
passed; Texas consented, and was duly annexed. 

Now, then, it had been solemnly adjudicated by the Senate that Texas did not 
extend to the Rio Grande; that Point Isabel, Laredo, Santa Fe, Taos, and that 
whole country, was in the Mexican dominions, settled by their people, and in the 
actual possession of Mexico. This was not questioned or denied. It could not be 
with truth. All these fads were known to the President. He admits it in his 
orders of July 8th and 30th, to which I have referred: and yet, in the teeth of all 
this, without consulting Congress, or any formal declaration of war, he orders our 
army to the point of its present location. 

In view of this, (said Mr. H.,) while I would take any and every measure ne- 
cessary to relieve our troops, and, if need be, pursue and rescue them, if takea 
prisoners, I would also inquire whether a vote of censure upon the President, and 
also a resolution to withdraw our troops from beyond the desert, if not from beyond 
the Nueces, is not advisable? Who does not feel humiliated and ashamed at the 
course of the Executive? Is not the country disgraced before the world by this 
wanton, imbecile, aggressive movement upon a Mexican population? Is it not 
so? What, then, is our duty as honest men; as a Christian nation; as American 
statesmen? Is it not to say to Mr. Polk — sir, you have done wrong; you have 
assumed responsibilities that did not belong to you; if not liable to actual impeach- 
ment, you are at least obnoxious to censure, for not allowing our army to remain 
this side of the Nueces — at least at Corpus Christi; you should not have sent the 
army into a region of country where the people themselves professed to belong to 
Mexico, and over which Texas had exercised no control; you were right on the 
30th of July , but wrong, wholly , in your orders of the 13th of January ; you should 
have submitted all the facts in regard to Mexico to Congress. 

Thereupon, it would have been its duty to consider what was the true policy to 
adopt. Did Mr. Polk do this? No, sir. Omnipotent as the right arm of des- 
potism itself, goaded on by selfish and ambitious men, he. in a rash and imbecile 
manner, plants less than 3,000 troops before the city of Matamoras. Yes, sir, in the 
beginning of summer, when Congress was in session, without counsel, direction, 
or advice, money or men, except the peace establishment, removes the army 
nearly 200 miles across the desert, points his guns at a Mexican city, blockades its 
port, and stops its supplies. Is this right? If not, let us say so. Let us say to 
Mexico that we disapprove of the acts of the President. Let us protect our troops 
by a powerful and sufficient force, to show to Mexico that we do not act from fear 
of weakness in our strength, and withdraw them. Then, sir, shall we not be ia 
a situation, our troops withdrawn to the Nueces, and suitable national redress hav- 
ing been given, to ask and demand of Mexico a settlement of the boundary be- 
tween her and Texas, and also the claims of indemnity which we require? 

This refused, then it will be time enough to coerce the same by a formal declara- 
tion of war by Congress; not by an egress of troops, by the order of the President, 
into their possessions, among their towns and villages. Could we not afford to be 
magnanimous towards Mexico? More magnanimous towards her than our national 
pride would allow us to be towards Great Britain, or any other nation having an 
equal population with our own? So forcibly at that time were these reflections 
crowded upon my mind, that I offered a resolution directing the troops to be with- 
drawn to the Nueces, and nothing but your tyranny prevented the utterance of 
them in support of the resolution. The people already begin to inquire, why Mr. 
Polk did not fall in with the whims of Mexico, and send a special commissioner 
to treat of Texas? They have a right to require, and they will demand, a better 
-answer than has yet been given. The President says, it was because ^^ the re- 



10 

dress of the wrongs of our citizens naturally and inseparably blended itself with 
the question of boundary." Mr, H. would like to incjuire — Whi/,s\rl What 
inseparable connection is there betweenpaying indemnities, and defining and set- 
tling a boundary; except that conne(5^wi by which avarice can grasp more terri- 
tory? Again, he says : " The settlement of the one question, in any correct view 
of the subject, involves that of the other." Wherein? In what respect? Does 
the President mean that, by pressing both at the same time, he would be likely to 
acquire more territory than rightfully belonged to Texas; by allowing a pecuniary 
consideration therefor? Again, Tie says: "I could not for a moment entertain 
the idea that the claims of our much injured and long suffering citizens, many of 
which had existed for more than twenty years, should be postponed or separated 
from the boundary question." 

Yes, sir, when for certain ends more foreign territory is to be acquired, great 
sympathy is manifested for '' our much injmed and long suffering citizeris." 
But, sir, when penury's grim hand has forced them to Mr. Polk's door for relief — 
when actual starvation has forced them to knock loudly at the door of this hall for 
simple justice at the hands of this Government — when your table is literally 
crowded with their petitions, what do you see? The sympathy which the Presi- 
dent speaks of? — special messages sent in, in their behalf? — prompt, energetic 
action, on the part of this House, in behalf of ■' our much injured and long suf- 
fering citizens" ? No, sir ! If not an absolute denial of justice; a delay, an ag- 
gravated delay, tantamount to it. Sir, this sympathy seems very much like that 
which grasping avarice has for its helpless and unoffending neighbor? The sym- 
pathy that looks more to the extension of territory, than to the claims of our 
'^ much abused and long suffering citizens," or to the ends of justice. 

But, sir, when the war message was presented to this House, why did you ap- 
ply the "^ gag" — refuse debate? Was it not to perfect a system of demagoguism,. 
for political supremacy and power, the most flagrant that ever disgraced the annals 
of an American Congress, as well as to protect the President in his encroachments 
upon the Constitution? 

More than six full months, said Mr. H., this Congress has been in session, and 
what has been done, except to speak and act for paltry political capital ? Where 
are your measures of reform ? In what position do the Democrats of this House 
stand, who talked so loud about peril to the country, if the joint occupation of 
Oregon with Great Britain were not terminated ? When the resolution is tendered 
to them they vote against it. Was this clamor for the real benefit cf the country, or 
for the benefit of ihe party? If for the country, why desert your country on the' 
final vote? Sir, what has Congress done up lo this moment? Nothing, compa- 
ratively nothing, but to demagogue , and to declare, that the Constitution, which 
says Congress shall have power to declare war, only means, that when the Presi- 
dent shall make war, Congress shall tell of it. You refused debate on the war 
bill. Sir, on the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill you spent hours and hours 
in debate, squandering thousands of dollars, gravely debating whether you should 
appropriate ,'$2,000 for the benefit of science; and yet, when we came to that por- 
tion of the bill appropriating tens of thousands for foreign ambassadors, (fcc.,,you 
stopped debate. When the House had reached the point where it would be in or- 
der to speak of our foieign relations, and the acts of the Executive in regard to 
them, the tyranny of this House produced and applied the seal of silence. True, 
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. VVintiiuoi') was allowed to send to your 
table, as an amendment to that portion of your bill, " For salary and outfit for a 
special minister to Mexico, whenever the President shall ascertain Mexico is pre- 
pared to receive onC;, <$I8;000." Yet^ when he would speak of the need of tliia 



11 

amendment, and of the peculiar fitness, at the moment when victory had perched 
upon our banner, of making this dehcate intimation to Mexico, that settlement 
was the object of this war, and not oppression and conquest — thus, upon the heels 
of two important victories, holding out in a delicate yet magnanimous manner 
the olive-branch of peace, his lips were closed by the tyranny of this House, and 
his amendment frowned to silence by the majority upon this floor. 

You have not only refused debate, but you have refused to abolish the franking 
privilege. You have refused to reduce the pay and mileage of members of Con- 
gress. You have refused to let out the public printing to the lowest bidder. 
When the War Department is revelling in your Treasury, and scattering its con- 
tents at the rate of more than $400,000 per day, and your public printers are filch- 
ing from the public crib more than $700 per day, you have refused, time after 
time, to allow your Select Committee on Public Printing to make their report. 
A report showing that, on only siv of your public documents ordered by this 
House, your public printers — stipendiaries of ^ party press — make, over and above 
all expenses, the enormous sum of ;|^91 ,000, you have stifled to this moment, and 
refused to allow it to come before this House, and to the knowledge of the people. 
You have refused the just demands of private claimants. You have refused to 
claimants for French spoliations and Mexican indemnities the justice they had the 
right to demand at your hands. You have unnecessarily involved us in a national 
war; and you are, at this moment, about to destroy the present tariHi". In my 
judgment, you have turned all the great interests of the country into mere dice, 
to be thrown at will by the political gamblers of the nation; and this whole Ad- 
ministration has failed, signally failed, to fulfil the just expectations of the great 
body of the people. 

Sir, continued Mr. H., if Mr. Van Buren, if Mr. Clay, if thousands of demo- 
crats in the State of New York and elsewhere; if the whigs all over the Union 
had been invested by Omniscience with the spirit of prophecy, they could not 
better have foretold, than they did, the results which would flow from this rash 
precipitate annexation of Texas — carried by an appeal to pariy prejudices — 
*' without the consent of all the Slates, and without the assent of Mexico." 

But who, for a moment thought this state of things would be accelerated, pro- 
voked, by the Executive? Who supposed the President would invade Mexican 
settlements? Who supposed he would send an army during the session of Con- 
gress, in the spring of the year, to make a summer campaign in a country where 
the poisoned shafts of disease are sped with unerring fatality, until arrested by 
the frosts of winter? Is this the wisdom which a confiding people expected at 
the hands of James K. Polk? 

Sir, when all this was presented to this Congress, what was its action? What the 
people had a right to expect? Calm, dispassionate, and candid — the great inte- 
rests of the nation duly considered? 

On the 1st day of June, 1812, the Congress of the United States received the 
war message of Mr. Madison, with closed doors. It was referred to the then able 
Committee on Foreign Relations, their report was received and discussed in se- 
cret session, and not until the 18th of the same month, was the veil of secrecy 
raised from their proceedings, in declaring war against Great Britain ; and yet, 
sir, when the war cloud hung in darkness upon the northwest; when for six: 
months you had been talking the chances of war for Oregon ; when you had no- 
ticed the immense military preparations for war by Great Britain ; when we have 
seen the spirit manifested in the French Chamber of Deputies ; when the argus 
eyes of monarchical and despotic Europe are turned upon us in jealous forebod- 
ings at our rising greatness ; at such a moment, when a national war is proposed 
for territorial extension, what do you see? Clo=>°-' '^'^^ -s, and a full and free ia^ 



12 

terchange of opinion among the representatives of the nation? Do you see wis- 
dom, coolness, and forbearance, displayed? Do you see the interests of ihcpar- 
iy^ and all preferences in regard to internal policy, sacrificed for the national good? 
Who will not stand amazed, when ho^^uld there was not forty minutes allowed 
. for discussion on the bill granting supplies, and not a single n)oment on the war 
bill, which you finally passed. Why this indecent haste? Did you stille debate, 
•and compel a vote in this shape to screen a violated constitution, and shield the 
President? It looks like it. In fact the Union, the "^ organ" of the Executive, 
claims this vote to be a vindication of the President! It exultingly savs, '■'■ he is 
justified." "The action of the House proves it." "The action of the Senate 
proves it." 

Sir, to my mind, these acts prove more anxiety to obtain proof to hide a broken 
constitution and endorse the President, than to discuss and weigh, in a becoming 
manner, the interests and true honor of a free people. A consciousness of error 
and a devotion to party in such a crisis, much to be deprecated. A disposition to 
sit quietly under executive usurpations, and to register, without murmur and 
\vithout enquiry, executive edicts, so truly alarming, as to call loudly upon the 
people for redress. 

Sir, our army was in peril. The last that we heard from them was, that a part 
of them were prisoners of war, and the balance were short of provisions, and 
surrounded by 10,000 Mexicans. Whether they had been relieved, had relieved 
themselves, or at that monient were prisoners of war on their way to the city of 
Mexico, was not known. I was for protection, and if need be for rescue at all 
hazards. 50,000 volunteers and 10,000,000 of money was asked for by the Pre- 
sident. In my judgment this was necessary if our army had been captured. I 
could not by any act of the majority be prevented from voting for these supplies and 
•succor; when the majority tacked on the preamble, with a view to make political 
capital and shield the President, I still determined to vote the aid which 1 desired 
to grant, and content myself with protesting against that portion of the bill, the 
phraseology of which I could not preveii., but which I did not approve as false 
and deceptive. In despite of your gag 1 did so. The gentleman from Vir- 
ginia, who, I perceive, is not at this moment in his seat, (Mr. Dromgoole,) 
took occasion on this floor to allude to this, and declared that the vote for this 
war bill would live when \k\Q protest shall have been forgotten, and tauntingly ex- 
claimed : " I envy not the man who will vote for the affirmance of fiilsehood, 
^nd then openly proclaim the same!" 

Sir, said Mr, H., I can truly tell the honorable gentleman that he need not 
^^envy" the man, who, for political eflect, is forced to have his feelings of morality 
and of patriotism weighed in the balance — pitted agoinst each other. He need 
not " envy" the man, who, in a great crisis takes the pill made unnecessarily ( 
bitter, which he loathes, for the sake of the good which he desires. Nor, sir, 
need he, with all due deference allow me to say, " envy" the man, charged 
with the duty of writing the secret political history of that day. No man 
need " envy" his mousing toil, in learning the names of public functionaries and. 
■their allies, holding Texas debts and Texas scrip, for lands located and unlocated; 
nor his midnight care in depicting the cupidity which could not find Iat)d enough 
within the bounds of Texas proper to satisfy its desires ; but must by the sword 
subjugate 60,000 of the citizens of a neighboring republic, and appropriate the 
soil thus desecrated with Imman blood, to satisfy its sordid appetite ! 

When all the secret springs and motives of men shall have been brought to 
view, when the minute details of this gross iniquity shall have been placed in 
iletters of living light upon, the page of history, the world will be astonished at the 



13 

consummation of the scheme wliich was thus protested; and if, perchance, as the 
honorable gentleman says, the protest shall have escaped the historian, and lie bu- 
ried in oblivion, as search in vain is made therefor, the astonishment will be in- 
creased, infinitely increased, by the thought, that no one rose in his place, of that 
whole number, io protest against the governmenlal sanction of such iniquities. 

It is alleged upon this floor that, to declare one's self for the war, and to speak 
against the present Administration of this Government, is an absurdity; that, while 
he pretends to go for it, he goes against it, by weakening the moral power of the 
Government. 

I had supposed the moral power of the Government, so far as these functionaries 
could wield it, had been expended; and that now, moral suasion proving ineffi- 
cient, we had determined to try the physical force of the country. It is termed a 
kind of moral treason to speak against the present Administration. What! Trea- 
son to speak of the manner in which this moral pouter has been exerted, and of the 
causes which led to the necessity of resorting to force against a sister republic? 
It may be treason to the party. It may be counter to the edicts of the Executive, 
* to have any of its votaries call any of its acts to the attention of the people. Such 
may not do it. But shall the motives of those who do not bend the pliant knee 
to power, and tamely submit to Executive usurpation, be called in question? 
Charged with opposition to the country ! Is this the freedom of your boasted in- 
stitutions? Sir, it is because I am in favor of the country, that I am endeavoring 
to show how its moral power has been polluted, paralysed, and perverted by the 
conduits through which it has passed. I do it with no personal or vindictive feel- 
ings, but in view of a solemn duty, imposed upon me as a representative, and in 
XhQ hope that the people will see the necessity of rising in their might, and exert- 
ing, with efficiency and effect, the moral power which has fallen still-born from 
the hands of the Executive. 

Notwithstanding the morality of the sentiment uttered by my friend from Ohio, 
(Mr. Delano,) that in time 'of war he was for his country, right or wrong, has 
been questioned in this hall, I reiterate it. I hope the moral sense of genUemen 
will stand the shock, when I tell them I am for my country, any way and always, 
right or wrong. In all time, under all circumstances, in prosperity or in adversi- 
ty, in peace or in war, in every aspect which ingenuity can invent or imagination 
can conceive, I am for my country, rigid or wrong. Sir, I am for my children, 
right or wrong. ]\]y duty impels me to chide and rebuke them when wrong; but 
to be for them, and feel for them, and to act for their prosperity, happiness and 
protection, whether right or wrong, is a feeling interwoven with the very ligaments 
of my nature. Sir, in this same sense I am for my country, right or wrong; freely 
reproving her public functionaries when wrong, and holding up their constitution- 
al aggressions and their legislative oppressions to the just judgment of the people. 
And now, sir, at this moment, in view of my sense of duty, impelled only by that, 
I hold up the President of these United States as having transgressed the rules of 
propriety and justice, and violated the Constitution, in ordering the army on to 
the left bank of the Rio Grande — in ousting the Mexican civil authorities from the 
exercise of their accustomed duties, and the collection of their revenue — in erect- 
ing batteries, and pointing our cannon in solemn defiance at a Mexican city — in 
allowing, without inquiry, soldiers, in time of peace, to be shot, without the form 
of trial — in, among other things, but farther and farthest, and least to be expected, 
blockading, in time of profound peace, in violation of solemn treaty stipulations, 
the city of a sister republic, and cutting off its supphes; thereby reducing to famine 
and death its citizens and soldiers. I wish I could array in a mirror of burning 
light before the people the Constitution, which says — Congress alone shall have 



14 

power to declare war and direct acts of liosiiliiies — its broken fragments — tlie au- 
thor of its violated condition, and his abettors. I would point to these Executive 
usurpations, and to the uncalled for inloleiance and oppression of this House. 

Sir, the Constitution guaranties th^m)erly of speecli and of the press. But on 
the 11th of JMiiy, where was the boasted prerogative of your Constitution in rela- 
tion to the liijcriy of speech ? Where this inestimable prerogative of frecu)cn ? 
Its death-knell was heard intbishall. The lips of the 0,000 farmers, the 4,000 me- 
chanics, and the hundreds of manufacturers and professional men speaking through 
me upon this floor, were sealed in silence. The vivid and conscious convictions 
of an outraged people were stifled, and denied an utterance. The minority npon 
this floor, representing, as appears by the popular vote, a majority of the people, 
were denied the right of speech. The grave and mouietitous (piestion of peace 
or war, involving the life, the liberty, of our people, and the happiness of our 
common country, was pressed upon us without debate. The in)prudent acts of 
the President, as well as the perilous condition of our army, their cries and their 
blood by reason of this imprudence, was made known to us, and yet not one word 
could be said upon the subject. The shield of secrecy was thrust between us and 
the country. The full and speedy relief which we were willing to grant to the 
army and the country was coupled with a shield for the President and his advi- 
sers, and a declaration of war. I ask whether such precipitancy iu declaring a na- 
tional war, in breaking the peace of the world, is becoming in the representatives 
of this people? Is it wise, and does it become the dignity and forbearance which 
should characterize enlightened and benevolent freemen? Is it magnanimous or 
just thus to stifle debate? 

The history of Rome produces no republican despotism more oppressive or dan- 
gerous to liberty, ihan the tyranny we have seen manifested in this hall. 

I protest ngainst this blind infatuated registry of Executive edicts; this despotic 
restriction of inquiry into oflicial misrule; this adoption and concealment of the 
broken fragments of our fundamental code, as subversive of liberty. Sir, I am 
constrained to point to these enormities in defence of liberty itself! 

Sir, having spoken of some of the wrongs which did exist, and now exist in our 
internal policy, calling loudly for redress — I now employ the brief moment left me 
to speak of the present situation of the country, and our national duly as intelligent 
freemen. I have, as well as I could, held up the mirror to the majority on this floor 
and the Executive, that they might see themselves as others see them ; not in a vin- 
dictive spirit, but in the hope, and I trust it may not be unavailing, that for the future 
they will abandon all acts for mere political advantage, and go for the country, the 
whole country, and nothing but the countr}'. I call npon them to unite with me 
and with the people^ and by vigilance and energy for the future, to make amends for 
follies of the past. The present crisis demands the wisdom and concurrence of 
the whole people. We are at this moment involved in a war with a foe — distracted 
and comparatively weak and feeble, it is true — but the end of which no man can 
foresee. But, sir, this is not the only dilemma. It requires no prophetic eye to 
discover the elements of European monarchy and despotism rife with impending 
danger. The movements of Spain towauls Mexico — the debates in the French 
Chamber of Deputies — the general tone of the press throughout Continental 
Europe — should not be disregarded. We should not shut our eyes to the fact, 
that the people of Great Britain have a govermuent debt against Mexico of 
millions of dollars; that her citizens are more extensively interested in the mines 
of Mexico, than the citizens of any and perhaps all other nations. It should not 
be forgotten that our commerce is now four-fifths that of Great Britain; and while 
our commerce in the short space of half a century has thus increased, our manu- 



15 

factures have increased in an eqnal ratio, and are now in competition with those 
of Great Britain on the coast of Cliina, and in other parts of the world. Who 
can fail to see in what hght our spirit of territorial aggrandizement is viewed by 
Great Britain and olher European powers? The feeling which our growing and 
extended commerce, our rising greatness, our territorial extension, tends to engen- 
der in Europe, should be palsied by a cordial union of all men for the weal of our 
common country. Sir,weareatthismomentsurrounded by dangers requiring infin- 
itely more unity, wisdom, and exertion, than a mere war with Mexico. The general 
feeling that the moral power of the nation has been perverted, will strengthen and 
unite the people in concentrating the moral as well as the physical force of the 
country to sustain, in this crisis, its national stability, its honor, it may be its very 
existence. Will not the people in their primary meetings, and in all constitution- 
al ways, by resolutions or otherwise , not only rebuke freely , but advise and strength- 
en the Government and the country, by bringing to bear its whole moral and phys- 
ical force? We need the wisdom and intelligence of the nation to carry us through 
the present war, and the threatened dangers to our national fabric, in a manner 
that shall show not only our firmness and strength, but our magnanimity and for- 
bearance. In my judgment, our safety now, sir, is in a short war with Mexico. 
Public opinion should be concentrated, and brought to bear upon the Administra- 
tion in relation to the propriety and necessity of extending the olive branch, and 
making efforts for a speedy, honorable, and magnanimous peace. 

Sir, I need not say I was gratified to notice that two of the volunteer compa- 
nies of the city of Rochester, in the district which I have the honor to represent, 
had tendered their services to Governor Wright, to be brought into service whenever 
the public exigencies might require. They have shown themselves ready and 
willing to sustain their country in its peril, without reference to the causes which 
produced it. This, sir, is but the earnest of the feeling of the entire population of 
that district. While they are all ready as one man to sustain the honor of the coun- 
try, and to meet danger from without, they will be equally fearless and ready to 
raeet internal abuse and oppression. They are ready to maintain the just rights of 
the country at every sacrifice; but they are not for the annihilation or conquest of 
a sister republic. I inquire, sir, and they will inquire, when and how this 
war is to terminate? Whether it is to be prosecuted only for a just and magnani- 
mous peace; or for the purposes of aggression, plunder, and conquest? If the lat- 
ter, they will not sanction, but will fearlessly and freely condemn the same. 
They are willing to leave the progress of Republican principles on this continent 
and throughout the world to the sure operations of truth — to the germ from which 
springs the tree of liberty — until all the nations of the earth shall recline under 
the branches of that tree, irradiated by the smiles of peace ; but they are not in 
favor of coercing an adherence to Republican institutions by the sioord! Prior 
republics have done this; and by reason of it, the historian is relieved from his 
task in regard to them. When and where this state of things is to end, God only 
knows. If our rulers are determined, as they now seem, upon annihilation and 
conquest, and the j;6o/?/e shall sanction it, this is but the twilight of the political 
darkness that must succeed it. To my mind, the day when the people of this 
Republic shall fully sanction the subjugation and conquest of a foreign nation, 
dissimilar from us in language, habits, and laws, will be the darkest, by far the 
darkest day, ever witnessed by this Republic. 



n TAOS 



SANTA FE 



N\EW MEXICO 



^_- 



UNITED ST 



CHIHUAHA. 




> 



GULF O 

MEXICO 



